The discombobulation of the Sanders movement has done a disservice to the remnant left holding the bag for a movement that has been cleverly crippled in advance. Let me acknowledge that efforts to promote activists electorally is something this group can actually do. Who am I to challenge that. And the term ‘revolution’ has been coopted but then again it is a general coin of discourse. We can actually ‘ha ha’ this usage into something more adequate, revolutionary, in thought at least.
As noted at last-and-first-men.com our ‘revolution’ is so far ‘virtual’ in scope, not a cooptation, given the sheer difficulty of motion in this direction, but still perhaps a bit timid. It is certainly defense against the cops storming the parapet to stop a revolutionary. Strictly revolutionary.
A real revolutionary would be ready to take over the dot.gov of you know where. Or initiating ‘gorilla warfare’ against carbon infrastructure. What we have done is ‘virtual’ because the whole project of ‘our revolution’ (starting in 1848) is subject to conceptually chaotification.
And needs a recompute, viz. in our Toward a New Communist Manifesto.
Our thinking is entirely open-ended: a version of market neo-communism is a matrix that can have an electoral and/or regime change set of versions. The point is to free the left from marxist inertia, adopt a broader view of history, challenge dialectical materialism, etc, and take the left into a new post second/internationale phase with new post-theory, postdarwinism, and, well, postpostmodernism, i.e. a version of secular modernism broader than the versions of the Iron Cage emerging in the nineteenth century…
I think that the Bernie group should pay their dues to other folk’s uncoopted idea of revolution by multitasking a version of our ‘market neo-communism’, no doubt as an electoral option. This is different from standard socialism, although mostly as a clear restatement of a particular version: the expropriation of the property of the bourgeoisies, i.e. constitutional communism, leaving open the issue of the economic system to go with it, and while no doubt invoking the issue of planning an in principle open to experimental forms of economy that have a relative degree of autonomy, and with a lower threshold level below which a more anarchistic system is allowed with small scale variants of economic, cultural, etc, in formation.
In the end the issue of property is that of primitive accumulation: the plunder of the Commons by the bourgeoisie and the demand to return that to the Commons.
So the first job of the Red Forty-eight Group is the public information aspect of a constitutional communism and how to get there. It will happen when it is ready to happen, and everything is getting ready.
In the nonce a rapid set of studies of the many attacks of the calculation debate are on the table: the belief that there is no alternative to the current neo-liberal economic model is refuted by the facts of the case of the current planetary crisis.