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R48G: constituent assemblies and democratic communism

January 5th, 2017 · No Comments

http://darwiniana.com/2017/01/04/r48g-a-comprehensive-strategy-revolution-or-not/
http://darwiniana.com/2017/01/04/red-forty-eight-group-a-turning-point-in-leftist-perspectives-the-question-of-revolution/

We have done our dialectical duty by looking at the electoral option in terms of our general set of proposals via two manifestos…But the very nature of the question implies changing the electoral system itself, as the previous post with its link to a Jacobin article implies. And the reference to a Constituent Assembly is serendipitous (if not deliberate) in setting up the first stage in what historically generated an inexorable motion toward full revolution.

So we will reapply the dialectic to our previous concession to consider once more the true revolutionary option. One issue is the internationalization of the basic issue of ‘who is the real voter?’: the US system is immensely exploitative and implies inclusion in a larger (economic) system without representation. The national model is breaking down and we can’t expect the electorate in a given state to represent the larger population that is a de facto member via economic subjugation.

Part of the problem is the ambiguity of the term ‘democracy’ and the attempt to consider repair of a given system (e.g. the American with its faulty constitution) enough to achieve real democracy. But it would seem going to the trouble to stage a de facto revolution would squander the opportunity to move to a new an truly defined democracy. We can argue that a socialist, better a communist, framework is derivable on the grounds of basic principles of fairness and equality: the factor of ‘primitive accumulation’ makes it historically obvious that the substance of capital property is an expropriation of a basic Commons and that democracy requires a redress of this factor. We can achieve the task of promoting a popular cause by seeing that we must promote democracy and make the case to a skeptical public given the wrong example of bolshevism that democracy implies the common ownership of the basic property factors generating capitalism. This has to be done right without the now somewhat sterile legacies of the various socialist ideologies. We must rethink both communism, democracy and economy, and settle on something this is realizable, practical economically, and yet faithful to basic principles commonly consider postcapitalist.
We can consider a hybrid system that is communist, adapts markets to its axioms, and is a reasonable version of an open society with strong controls of capitalist functionality. Once seen as the real version of democracy the populist aspect could be reborn in a version such as that which animated the leftist era of the second/plus internationale.

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